Nine decades ago today, one of America’s most polarizing political figures met a violent end in the marble corridors of the Louisiana State Capitol.
On September 10, 1935, U.S. Senator Huey P. Long—the fiery populist governor who promised to make “Every Man a King”—succumbed to gunshot wounds inflicted by an assassin two days earlier.
His final words, whispered to aides, were: “God, don’t let me die. I have so much to do.”
The Rise of a Populist Titan
Born in 1893 in Winnfield, Louisiana, Long rose from rural poverty to dominate state politics with a blend of charisma, policy, and bare-knuckle tactics. Elected governor in 1928, he revolutionized Louisiana:
- Built 9,700 miles of roads in a state once notorious for impassable dirt trails.
- Provided free textbooks to schoolchildren, including those in private (often Catholic) schools—a move upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.
- Constructed the nation’s tallest state capitol, a towering Art Deco monument to his ambition.
Yet his methods drew fierce criticism. Opponents accused him of authoritarianism, citing his control over the legislature, judiciary, and even LSU’s football program.
After surviving impeachment in 1929, Long declared: “I used to try to get things done by saying ‘please.’ Now I dynamite ’em out of my path.”
The “Share Our Wealth” Crusade
Elected to the U.S. Senate in 1930, Long broke with President Franklin D. Roosevelt, dismissing the New Deal as too timid.
In 1934, he launched “Share Our Wealth,” a radical plan to cap personal fortunes at $50 million and guarantee every family a $5,000 annual income (roughly $115,000 in 2025 dollars).
The movement claimed 7.5 million members by 1935, alarming Roosevelt, who privately called Long “one of the two most dangerous men in America.”
Long’s ambitions seemed limitless. He penned My First Days in the White House, a speculative memoir of his presidency, and polls suggested he could siphon enough votes in 1936 to swing the election to Republicans.
As Louisiana marks the 90th anniversary of Huey Long’s death, his fiery brand of economic populism is finding new life in an unlikely place: New Jersey.
Progressive Democrat Lisa McCormick, who challenged disgraced former Senator Bob Menendez in the 2018 primary, is now recruiting a slate of anti-establishment House candidates to revive Long’s most radical idea—a $50 million cap on personal wealth—and upend the Democratic Party’s corporate-friendly status quo.
“No More Kings or Paupers”
McCormick, an outspoken critic of both political dynasties and Wall Street influence, has made Long’s “Share Our Wealth” program the centerpiece of her movement. Her updated agenda calls for:
- Taxing 100% of wealth above $50 million to fund universal healthcare, housing, and education.
- A federal jobs guarantee and debt relief for working families drowning in mortgages and credit card bills.
- Breaking up monopolies—taking direct aim at Amazon, Tesla, and Big Pharma.
“Elon Musk could personally end homelessness in America and still have $150 billion left. That’s not success—that’s hoarding,” McCormick told supporters at a rally last month, echoing Long’s famed barbecue analogy: “Why should one man take 90% of the feast while others starve?”
Building an Army of Insurgents
McCormick’s strategy mirrors Long’s playbook: bypass party elites and mobilize disaffected voters.
Her “Prosperity for All” movement is training progressive candidates to challenge corporate Democrats in New Jersey’s 2026 House primaries, where soaring inequality clashes with the state’s high cost of living.
“The Democratic Party forgot it’s supposed to fight for workers, not Wall Street,” said McCormick, who has never accepted corporate PAC money and called for a ban on stock trading by Congress.
Her allies include labor activists, tenant unions, and veterans of Bernie Sanders’ campaigns.
Like Huey Long, McCormick faces fierce opposition, but with 60% of Americans now supporting higher taxes on billionaires, her message resonates.
“Huey Long proved that when you speak plainly about greed, people listen,” McCormick said. “This isn’t about left vs. right—it’s about democracy vs. oligarchy. This isn’t radical. It’s justice.”
The Assassination: Conspiracy or Crossfire?
On September 8, 1935, Long was shot in the Capitol by Dr. Carl Weiss, the son-in-law of a judge whose district Long had just gerrymandered. Weiss was instantly gunned down by Long’s bodyguards, who fired 61 rounds into his body.
The official narrative—that Weiss acted alone—has long been disputed. Forensic studies suggest Long may have been hit by a ricochet from his guards’ bullets, a theory bolstered by the 1992 exhumation of Weiss’s body, which revealed defensive wounds.
Long’s death cemented his myth. In rural Louisiana, some insisted for years that he was still alive—or even president. His family dominated state politics for decades, including his brother Earl Long (three-time governor) and son Russell Long (U.S. senator for 38 years).
Historians remain divided. Critics label him a proto-fascist who trampled democracy; admirers hail a populist champion who lifted the poor. Robert Penn Warren, whose novel All the King’s Men fictionalized Long, called him “a remarkable set of contradictions.”
Today, his statue still looms over his grave at the Capitol—a fitting perch for a man who once boasted, “I’m the Constitution around here now.”
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