Prosecutors probe political power broker pressure to postpone payment

A report in the Philadelphia Inquirer said prosecutors are looking into whether South Jersey power broker George E. Norcross III was involved in a decision by the South Jersey Transportation Authority to withhold payment from engineering firm T&M Associates.

Prosecutors are delving into whether Norcross, a prominent figure in South Jersey Democratic circles, played a part in a decision made by the South Jersey Transportation Authority (SJTA) to withhold payment from the Middletown, N.J.-based engineering firm.

The inquiry comes in the wake of a clash between a T&M executive and Norcross, raising questions of political influence in the agency’s operations.

The investigation centers on events that unfolded after a T&M executive, John Cimino, who is also a Mercer County commissioner, reportedly defied a request from Norcross to abstain from endorsing Dan Benson for Mercer County Executive.

Shortly after Cimino defied the party boss and supported Benson, an assemblyman who has since deposed Mercer County Executive Brian Hughes, the five-term incumbent who dropped out before the Democratic primary, T&M’s contract with Norcross’ insurance firm, Conner Strong & Buckelew, was terminated.

These incidents preceded a significant vote by the SJTA board to halt payments to T&M, prompting scrutiny from law enforcement agencies including the New Jersey Attorney General’s Office and the FBI.

The SJTA operates the Atlantic City Expressway, the Atlantic City International Airport, and parking facilities in Atlantic City.

Email correspondence and other documents obtained by The Inquirer through a public records request shed light on the series of events leading up to the payment dispute.

The invoices in question, totaling more than $165,000, were withheld from T&M for several months without a clear explanation from the agency.

A $22,449.74 bill for a garage replacement project was marked “approved for payment” on Jan. 25, 2023, but after it was added to a list of invoices to be considered for approval at the agency’s February board meeting, commissioners Christopher M. Milam, a pharmacy benefit manager who is chairman of the Washington Township Democratic Committee, and Bryan J. Bush, president of Sheet Metal Workers Local 19, sent emails to the board secretary indicating they would vote against approving T&M’s bills.

The unusual decision to withhold payment departed from the SJTA’s typical practice of promptly approving and paying invoices submitted by vendors.

Despite inquiries from T&M regarding the outstanding payments, the agency remained silent, with officials reportedly instructed not to respond to requests for clarification.

State Senator Vince Polistina expressed concern over the lack of transparency surrounding the payment denial, suggesting that undisclosed conversations may have influenced the agency’s decision-making process.

The documents also revealed internal communications within the SJTA, with officials instructing T&M to halt certain projects in light of the pending payment dispute.

Despite assurances from agency officials that T&M’s bills would eventually be approved, the invoices remained unpaid for several months, prompting further questions about the motives behind the delay.

The investigation into Norcross’ potential involvement in the payment dispute underscores broader concerns about political influence in public agencies’ operations.

As prosecutors continue to scrutinize the events surrounding the SJTA’s decision, questions linger about the extent of Norcross’ influence and the implications for fair and transparent governance in South Jersey.

The SJTA eventually resumed payments to T&M after several months, but the circumstances surrounding the resolution of the payment dispute remain subject to scrutiny.

As the probe unfolds, the public awaits further revelations about the interplay between politics and public administration in South Jersey, but previous investigations have failed to curb Norcross’ power.

Norcross, with his close ally and former New Jersey Senate President Steve Sweeney, marshaled Democrats who provided crucial support to Republican ex-Governor Chris Christie and tussled with other Wall Street millionaires who essentially bought off the allegiance of Democratic machines but later disappointed the political kingmaker.

A feud with Norcross plunged the Democratic Party into a civil war as both houses of the Legislature crippled Governor Philip Murphy’s attempt to wield the power the Goldman Sachs alumnus thought he purchased in 2017.

Nearly two thirds of $1.6 billion in tax incentives in his hometown of Camden, New Jersey, went to Norcross’ own insurance brokerage, his business partnerships and charitable affiliations, or clients of the law and lobbying firms of his brother Philip, a ProPublica investigation found.

In 2001, the power broker was recorded making threats, discussing patronage jobs, and using vaguely worded inducements to persuade Palmyra Councilman John Gural to fire a defiant municipal employee. Norcross bragged about flexing his political muscle, having access to powerful elected officials, and his ability to shower his allies with coveted jobs or destroy the careers of his adversaries.

Christie rewarded Norcross with control over Cooper University Health Care, the leading provider of health services, medical education & clinical research in southern New Jersey and Pennsylvania’s Delaware Valley.