As New Jersey’s gubernatorial race enters its final stretch, one prominent Republican’s refusal to endorse his party’s nominee is raising eyebrows — and may offer an advantage to conservative Blue Dog Democrat Rebecca Michelle “Mikie” Sherrill in her bid for governor.
Bill Spadea, a conservative radio host and failed Republican gubernatorial candidate, made headlines during the summer by confirming he will not support the man who handily defeated him in the GOP primary.
Giacchino Michael Ciattarelli, a former assemblyman known as “Flip Flop Jack” for his reputation for ideological flexibility, has taken a variety of moderate-to-conservative positions on key issues.
Ciattarelli won 68% of the vote to Spadea’s 22%, aided by the endorsement of former President Donald Trump.
“I’m not going to pretend I support a candidate I’ve always believed — and still believe — is wrong for New Jersey,” Spadea said, days ahead of his return to the morning airwaves on NJ 101.5. “New Jersey deserves a fighter and a leader, not a placeholder. I won’t rubber-stamp more of the same, and I certainly won’t help sell voters on a candidate I believe will keep us stuck exactly where we are.”
The statement marked a sharp and public break with the state party apparatus and sets up an awkward dynamic heading into November, when Ciattarelli will face Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill in a race many polls rate as competitive, with single-digit margins separating the two.
Though Spadea stopped short of endorsing Sherrill, his decision not to back Ciattarelli, the Trump-backed Republican, who came within three points of unseating Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy in 2021— and his promise to keep wielding influence from his radio platform — is likely to dampen GOP unity just when Republicans hoped to consolidate their base.
In past cycles, tight New Jersey races have been decided by razor-thin shifts in turnout or cross-party defections, and analysts say Spadea’s vocal neutrality may matter more than it first appears.
Spadea’s base of support is deeply loyal, comprising populist conservatives, anti-establishment Republicans, and hardline Trump supporters who distrust more moderate figures like Ciattarelli.
His refusal to fall in line sends a signal to those voters — and it may discourage some from turning out at all.
“If that’s true, then he doesn’t need my endorsement,” Spadea said sarcastically, in response to Ciattarelli’s claim that his supporters had already united behind the nominee.
Ciattarelli, who earned the nickname “Flip Flop Jack” for his reputation for ideological flexibility, has taken a variety of positions on issues that are important to the hardcore right-wing Republican extremists who have seized control of the GOP.
Ciattarelli supports a woman’s right to choose abortion until halfway through a pregnancy and has reversed his stance on driver’s licenses for undocumented immigrants, but voted against same-sex marriage while backing civil unions.
His legislative record has drawn mixed reviews from both liberal and conservative watchdog groups.
While this positioning may help him appeal to suburban moderates, it also makes him vulnerable to attacks from his right — a vulnerability Spadea appears content to exploit, if only indirectly.
“Now, as I return to the largest microphone in our great state, know this: My fight for you is only beginning,” Spadea said in a message to listeners, vowing to focus on “local candidates, businesses, families, and community leaders” rather than the top of the Republican ticket.
A GOP gift for Sherrill?
For Sherrill, a four-term congresswoman who has built a brand as a centrist Democrat with military credentials, Spadea’s refusal to play the traditional role of party unifier may be a quiet blessing.
She has already begun targeting moderate and independent voters with appeals to institutional stability and policy competence — themes that may resonate more in the absence of a cohesive Republican front.
“Even if Spadea only pulls a few percentage points out of Ciattarelli’s right flank, that could tip the balance in a close race,” said one Democratic strategist familiar with statewide campaigns. “You don’t need a full defection — you just need a little suppressed enthusiasm.”
Democrats have telegraphed their concern about this being a close race by forcing the Green Party candidate, Lily Benavides, off the ballot after she filed petitions to replace Steven Zielinski, Sr., when he dropped out due to serious health issues.
A former Democratic New Hampshire state legislator, Benavides was the Green Party candidate for Congress in Sherrill’s district in 2024. Green Party candidates in New Jersey only get about one-half of one percent, so Sherrill’s aggressive legal tactics reveal concern in her campaign that she is not in the commanding position suggested by some polls.
A Rutgers-Eagleton poll released in July showed Sherrill with 51% of voters’ support, and Ciattarelli with 31%. A Fairleigh Dickinson University poll of likely voters had Sherrill ahead of Ciattarelli 45% to 37%. A subsequent Rutgers-Eagleton poll gave 44% to Sherrill and 35% to Ciattarelli, with 17% still unsure of who they’ll be voting for in November.
These survey results and historic trends show elections tightening at the end, so New Jersey may be headed towards a November nail-biter.
Newark Mayor Ras Baraka told supporters that Democrats have to make sure Ciattarelli “does not win” after coming in second place behind Sherrill.
“What we’re facing is dangerous and ugly and terrible. And terrible. So we have to bring the party together statewide,” said Baraka. “We have to keep fighting and pushing and fighting and pushing and fighting and pushing for working-class families.”
Republicans, meanwhile, insist they’re undeterred.
“Jack has unified the party and is focused on the issues voters care about — affordability, public safety, and getting New Jersey back on track,” said a Ciattarelli supporter. “Our eyes are on November, not June.”
But the scars from June haven’t entirely faded. Spadea’s loss — and his return to the airwaves with a chip on his shoulder — may serve as a persistent reminder of intra-party rifts, even as the GOP seeks to win its first gubernatorial race since 2013.
Complicating matters is the presence of Donald Trump in the political equation. Spadea said he has been with Trump since “he came down the escalator in 2015,” a reference to the launch of his presidential campaign that year.
Once a Trump skeptic, Ciattarelli has had a more complicated relationship with the fascist president but became a vocal supporter and headlined a 2020 “Stop the Steal” rally.
Trump ultimately endorsed Ciattarelli in May 2025 during his campaign for the New Jersey Republican gubernatorial primary.
That endorsement may have helped secure the primary but could alienate voters in the general election — particularly in key suburban areas where Sherrill’s coalition is strongest.
Still, it’s unclear whether Spadea’s passive resistance will translate into real-world impact. Some of his supporters may stay home. Others may cast protest votes or skip the governor’s line altogether. But even marginal changes in turnout could tip a tight race, and Sherrill’s campaign has shown signs of capitalizing on GOP disunity without directly referencing it.
Spadea shows no signs of relenting.
“Know this. I am diggin’ in and will have your back,” he told listeners. “As long as I have a mic, you will have a voice.”
Whether that voice helps or hurts Ciattarelli — or indirectly boosts Sherrill — will become clearer as Election Day approaches.
Sherrill could also detract from Ciattarelli by elevating Libertarian candidate Vic Kaplan, who filed to run as an independent.
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