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Expanding private investment in retirement accounts gambles with America’s future

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A False Freedom: How Expanding Private Investment in Retirement Accounts Gambles with Main Street’s Future

The recent push to “modernize” regulations governing retirement accounts, framed as a benevolent expansion of choice and opportunity for the average American, is a profound and dangerous deception.

It is a policy dressed in the garb of financial populism that, upon even cursory examination, reveals itself to be a Trojan horse for shifting risk from the sophisticated, wealth-managed class onto the unsuspecting shoulders of teachers, firefighters, and municipal workers.

The argument that this move merely extends to the masses what the wealthy have long enjoyed is a facile and cynical misdirection, ignoring the fundamental differences in capacity, access, and consequence that separate institutional from individual investing.

The central, and fatal, flaw in this policy initiative is its willful conflation of institutional and individual investment.

It is incontrovertibly true that large public pension funds have “benefitted from their pensions’ investments in private markets for decades.”

However, this benefit is not derived from the asset class alone, but from the specific conditions under which these institutions operate.

Pension funds invest with structural advantages the individual retiree can never hope to possess: massive economies of scale that allow them to negotiate lower fees and secure access to top-tier funds; professional, full-time investment staff with the expertise to conduct deep due diligence and manage complex, illiquid portfolios; and diversification across hundreds of investments that mitigates the outsized risk any single private company’s failure would pose.

To suggest that an individual 401(k) holder can replicate this model is not just intellectually dishonest; it is financially reckless.

An individual lacks the scale, the expertise, and the diversification to safely navigate the private markets.

They are not investing; they are speculating.

The illiquidity of these assets—often locked up for a decade or more—is a feature for a pension fund with perpetual liabilities, but a catastrophic bug for a retiree who may need to access their savings to pay a medical bill or cover living expenses.

The high fees, opaque valuations, and extreme risk of total loss, which a large fund can absorb, have the potential to wipe out an individual’s life savings entirely.

The proponents of this policy champion “increased choice and diversification.”

This is a mirage. For the vast majority of Americans, their retirement account is not a discretionary trading portfolio; it is the foundational pillar of their financial security.

True diversification for them is not achieved by adding high-risk, esoteric assets, but through broad, low-cost, liquid exposure to the entire public market—an opportunity that already exists and is more accessible than ever.

This policy does not expand prudent choice; it inundates individuals with dangerous and complex options they are ill-equipped to evaluate, creating a fertile hunting ground for bad actors and high-fee products masquerading as “exclusive opportunities.”

Furthermore, the notion that this levels the playing field is perhaps the most insidious part of the argument.

The wealthy do not invest in private equity and venture capital through their 401(k)s or precious assets required for a secure retirement.

They do so with discretionary capital—funds they can afford to lose entirely—often through trusted family offices or wealth managers who provide bespoke advice.

This policy does not give the middle class what the rich have; it gives them a poorly constructed, high-fee, retail-grade imitation of it, while the affluent continue to play by a different set of rules with better tools and better advice.

The invocation of a formal rulemaking process with a “notice and comment period” is offered as a talisman against criticism, implying that procedure sanctifies substance.

But transparency in crafting a flawed policy does not make it less flawed; it merely makes the inevitable negative consequences more predictable.

The directive is not to investigate whether this can be done safely, but to determine how to do it—a pre-ordained conclusion in search of a justification.

In the final analysis, this policy is not an empowerment of the individual saver.

It is an abdication of the government’s fiduciary responsibility to ensure that the regulatory framework for retirement savings prioritizes security and prudence over speculative “choice.”

It is a move that will inevitably benefit the financial services industry—which stands to collect enormous fees on these complex products—far more than the account holders it claims to help.

We are not providing greater opportunities to build a secure financial future; we are inviting ordinary Americans to gamble their security on the altar of a misguided and dangerous notion of financial liberty.

The true burden of this modernization will not be borne by Wall Street, but by Main Street retirees who discover, too late, that their freedom to choose included the freedom to fail catastrophically.

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