Notoriously misogynistic Essex County Commissioner Brendan Gill’s campaign for the 11th congressional district now boasts the endorsement of a labor leader the U.S. Justice Department has repeatedly described as a Genovese crime family associate.
International Longshoremen’s Association President Harold Daggett, a Joe Biden critic who threatened to “cripple” the American economy through a port strike, has thrown his union’s political support behind the misogynistic candidate.
The endorsement links Gill to a figure whose career has been shadowed by allegations of organized crime influence and violent waterfront history.
Federal prosecutors pursued Daggett in two major cases, alleging his rise through the ILA was part of a mob plan to control the East Coast’s critical ports.
Their evidence included testimony from Genovese family waterfront enforcer-turned-informant George Barone, who said Daggett was thoroughly under mafia control.
Daggett’s own testimony during a 2005 racketeering trial painted a different picture, portraying him as a victim who had a gun held to his head by Barone in 1980.
That trial ended in an acquittal for Daggett but was marked by the disappearance of his co-defendant, reputed mobster Lawrence Ricci. Weeks later, Ricci’s decomposing body, riddled with gunshots, was discovered in the trunk of a car—a homicide that remains unsolved.
ILA Secretary-Treasurer Stephen K. Knott, who appears above in the photo with Gill and Daggett, was also accused of racketeering in concert with the Gambino and Genovese organized crime families.
Also pictured is Dennis Daggett, the oldest son of Harold Daggett.
“Brendan Gill doesn’t just talk about supporting labor – he shows up and stands with working people,” said Daggett. “At a time when workers’ rights are under attack, we need leaders in Congress who will fight for unions, protect good-paying jobs, and strengthen the middle class. Brendan Gill is that kind of leader. He understands the critical role our port workers play in keeping our economy strong and ensuring America remains a global trade leader.”
The ILA bureaucrats have promoted fascists as champions of the working class.
Daggett declared that fascist President Donald Trump is “one of the best friends of working men and women in the United States.”
By accepting this endorsement, Gill’s congressional bid is aligned with a union president whose operations have long been suspected of organized crime links.
The partnership provides Gill with the political machinery of a powerful union while simultaneously tethering his campaign to the unresolved legacy of waterfront violence and alleged mob association that continues to surround its leadership.
Twelve candidates are frantically fundraising for New Jersey’s 11th congressional district, promising a primary filled with expensive TV ads and mailers.
Adding to the drama, a new super PAC, the 218 Project, has formed to support carpetbagging former Rep. Tom Malinowski. It was founded by Democratic strategist Julie Roginsky, who brings a deeply personal vendetta to this race.
Roginsky’s feud with Gill is explosive.
She alleged that during Phil Murphy’s 2017 gubernatorial campaign, where Gill was manager, he called her the C-word during a shouting match.
In a damning 2017 email to Gill, she wrote, “Referring to me the way you have… smacks of rank misogyny… I know, from other women on the campaign, that I am not alone.”
Roginsky claims she reported this to Murphy, who did nothing, and was fired days later. Gill vehemently denies ever using the slur, calling it a “malicious, politically motivated lie.”
The accusation is a he-said-she-said, but it exposes a broader, documented toxicity within the Murphy campaign. Roginsky describes an environment where men shouted, threw chairs, and retaliated against women who objected.
Other women, like former Lambertville Mayor Julia Fahl and former state employee Allison Kopicki, have echoed claims of a “toxic” workplace under Gill’s management.
Most notoriously, campaign volunteer Katie Brennan alleged she was raped by a staffer who reported to Gill. The alleged rape and cover-up scandal consumed much of Murphy‘s first term, and Brennan, in a stark coda, was elected to the State Assembly last November.
Roginsky’s involvement now forces uncomfortable truths into the open.
Gill dismissed Roginsky as a former ally who lashed out with falsehoods after losing a power struggle. They point to an internal campaign report that concluded Gill used “variants” of the F-word—not the C-word—and that he apologized.
However, the sheer volume of allegations paints a troubling pattern.
Roginsky said at least three other women who feared coming forward confided in her about mistreatment.
“The message from them was clear,” said Roginsky, “Brendan Gill was running a misogynistic, toxic campaign.”
With her new super PAC, Roginsky is no longer just an accuser; she is a well-funded political operator determined to influence the election.
Her involvement means Gill’s management of the Murphy campaign could become a central issue in the race, transforming a local primary into a referendum on power, accountability, and what was tolerated in the pursuit of victory.