In a political drama worthy of the state’s most colorful lore, the anointment of Brendan Gill as the chosen congressional candidate for New Jersey’s 11th District is unfolding not as a coronation, but as a case study in the very machine politics it claims to transcend.
A meticulous report by Bob Dreyfuss in The New Jersey Democrat paints a portrait of a candidate whose ascent is powered by entrenched party bosses, yet burdened by a career marked by alleged ethical entanglements, a volatile temper, and deeply troubling accusations of misogyny.
The facts, as laid out in the report, are these: Gill, an Essex County Commissioner and veteran operative, secured the coveted endorsement of the Essex County Democratic Committee in a special convention on December 1.
The virtual proceeding was marred by technical difficulties and accusations of being “rigged” to favor Gill, with critics charging the rapid timeline stifled proper vetting of the dozen-candidate field.
Despite the turbulence, the party machinery delivered, granting Gill the ballot slogan—a powerful advantage in a low-turnout special primary scheduled for February 5.
This endorsement is the reward for a career built within the innermost circles of power. Gill has managed campaigns for AIPAC Senator Cory Booker and Goldman Sachs Governor Phil Murphy, and his support stems from county executive Joseph “Joey D” DiVincenzo, one of Republican Governor Chris Christie’s 2013 endorsers.
As if to clean up his dreadful image, Gill secured endorsements from labor union leaders who have alleged ties to organized crime.
Yet, his insider status has not moved Gill from behind former stock-trading congressman and carpet-bagging candidate, Tom Malinowski, framing the race as a battle against “machine politics.”
Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, Senator Bernie Sanders, and a host of progressive Democrats firmly support union organizer Analilia Mejia, who won key victories for working-class Americans as head of the Working Families Alliance.
The opposition is not merely philosophical. It is fueled by a dossier of allegations that suggest Gill would export New Jersey’s most problematic political traditions to Washington.
The Baggage: A Pattern of Conduct
The Dreyfuss report, based on documents, lobbying records, and interviews, traces a pattern stretching back decades. In 2000, Gill’s studies at Seton Hall Law School ended following a violent altercation.
A police report and a subsequent university letter state he was accused of striking another student with an aluminum baseball bat after a night of drinking. Gill pleaded guilty to a reduced simple assault charge, and his record was later sealed.
His professional volatility reportedly surfaced again in 2004 while working for then-Representative Steve Rothman.
Two sources claim Gill hurled an expletive at his boss, threw a stack of business cards at him, and stormed out of an event over a perceived slight. Rothman, who now supports Gill’s congressional bid, flatly denies that the incident occurred.
Among the most damning and consistent allegations concern Gill’s treatment of women and his management of Governor Murphy’s 2017 gubernatorial campaign.
Multiple women who worked on that campaign described it as “the most toxic work environment” they had ever seen, citing “harassment issues” and Gill’s “explosive or ‘unhinged’ temper.”
One woman alleged Gill told a female staffer to “wipe that smug look off your face, or I will do it for you.”
These claims reached a crescendo with veteran Democratic strategist Julie Roginsky. She alleges that during a shouting match, Gill referred to her using the vilest of misogynistic slurs, the C-word.
Gill vehemently denies this, calling it a “malicious, politically motivated lie.”
An internal campaign review concluded Gill used “variants” of the F-word, and he later apologized in writing for his language.
However, Roginsky maintains she reported the slur to Murphy at the time and that he did nothing.
The report also contains a previously unreported allegation from the 2017 campaign.
Three women independently described an incident at a League of Municipalities conference where Gill allegedly encouraged a male aide who was aggressively hitting on a younger female staffer, even tossing the man the keys to the woman’s hotel room. The terrified staffer found other lodging.
The Business of Politics: A Blurred Line
Beyond temperament lies the question of propriety. Gill operates the BGill Group, a government affairs and public relations firm.
While not registered as a lobbying firm itself, it partners with one of New Jersey’s largest, Public Strategies Impact (PSI). This arrangement, formalized in December 2017 just after Murphy’s election, creates an opaque nexus between political influence and private gain.
Roginsky further alleged that during the 2017 campaign, she fielded complaints from multiple lobbyists who said Gill and a close associate were leveraging their campaign roles to pressure for private consulting business.
A 2020 federal subpoena, reviewed by The New Jersey Democrat, sought records related to Gill, his firm, and his associate, though the inquiry appears to have been closed without action.
This ecosystem of insider access thrives in a state where, as noted by long-time activist Jeff Tittel, watchdog agencies have been gutted and transparency laws rolled back, allowing special interests to operate with fewer checks.
The primary election on February 5 will now test whether Democratic voters view Brendan Gill as their champion or as the ultimate product of a system they have grown to distrust.
The candidate boasts of grassroots energy, citing over 1,700 petition signatures.
His opponents argue that real change cannot be delivered by a man whose career is a monument to the old way of doing business.
The people of the 11th District must decide if they are sending a reformer to Washington, or merely a savvy operator who has mastered the art of political survival in New Jersey.